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Sex and Temperament
After
a field trip to Nebraska in 1930 to study the Omaha Native Americans, she
and her husband, Reo Fortune, next headed to the Sepik region
of Papua New Guinea for two years. While there Mead did pioneering
work on gender consciousness. She sought to discover to what extent
temperamental differences between the sexes were culturally determined
rather than innate. She described her findings in Sex and
Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935) and explored
the subject more deeply in the next decade with Male and Female
(1949).
Mead found a different pattern
of male and female behavior in each of the cultures she studied,
all different from gender role expectations in the United States
at that time. She found among the Arapesh a temperament
for both males and females that was gentle, responsive, and cooperative.
Among the Mundugumor (now Biwat), both males and females
were violent and aggressive, seeking power and position. For the
Tchambuli (now Chambri), male and female temperaments were
distinct from each other, the woman being dominant, impersonal,
and managerial and the male less responsible and more emotionally
dependent. While Mead's contribution in separating biologically-based
sex from socially-constructed gender was groundbreaking, she was
criticized for reporting findings that seemed custom-made for
her theory. For Mead, each culture represented a different type
within her theory, and she downplayed or disregarded information
that may have made her simple classifications untenable.
In the later stages of the Sepik
trip, Mead and Fortune encountered British anthropologist Gregory
Bateson, who was studying the Iatmul people. The three worked
to develop a systematic explanation of the relationships between
cultures and personality types. Mead discovered such an intellectual
bond and temperamental affinity with Bateson that she eventually
divorced Fortune and married Bateson.
Accounting for the Observer
During the summer of 1930, Mead and Fortune did fieldwork
among the Omaha Native American people. Mead realized from
this first experience studying a non-Oceanic culture that
there was a connection between the anthropological approach
used to study a culture and the characteristics of the culture
studied. She continued to think about the implications of
this discovery as she returned to New Guinea for her second
field trip there. In these notes, she is considering how
to account for the perspective of the ethnographic observer
when assessing the results of field studies.
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Margaret Mead.
"Theoretical considerations,"
ca. 1932.
Typescript.
Manuscript Division
(155b)
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TRANSCRIPTION:
how to standardize results when each
individual observer is modified by [preceding] field experience.
Necessary [to] to take into account, previous fields, who
trained by, whether worked in similar [or] contrasting areas,
stage of theoretical work at which work done, and plus that
all the special conditions of the field, scattered or concentrated
population, degree of contact, etc. etc. Seems insoluble.
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Margaret Mead's notes on
Arapesh pigs and dogs.
"Pigs,"
ca. 1932.
Typescript.
Manuscript
Division (136b)
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Coming to Arapesh
Mead and Fortune arrived in Arapesh in December 1931. The
people had no name for themselves, so Mead and Fortune called
them "Arapesh," after the word for "person" in the local
language. Mead's ankle was too weak for her to hike through
the mountains, so she had to be carried to the mountaintop
village of Alitoa, she wrote, "strapped like a pig to a
carrying pole." The couple was stranded there when the people
carrying their belongings would go no further.
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Slip Recording
Fortune went off to do research outside the village, while
Mead was left behind. As she had in Samoa, she combatted
depression by working constantly, accumulating a mass of
notes. She published five technical volumes on the Arapesh.
Here are note slips on which Mead recorded observations
about Arapesh culture. She found her Arapesh investigation
conducive to "slip recording." She first took notes by hand,
in a notebook, then typed specific observations about points
of the culture onto slips, coding the slips by reference
category and date.
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Margaret Mead's notes
on birth payments
March 25, 1932.
Typescript.
Manuscript Division
(136c)
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Margaret Mead's notes on
"reactions of
a mixed group of women
and children to HOME Magazine,"
ca. 1932. Typescript.
Manuscript
Division (136f)
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Reaction to a Magazine
From the time of her first field trip, Mead introduced
various images and objects as a form of psychological testing.
In Samoa she had used magazine photos of the film Moana
of the South Seas for a picture naming test. Among
the Arapesh, Mead recorded reactions of a group of women
and children to HOME Magazine. She notes that
"little children, laughed almost hysterically at large covers....Women
imitated any overt gesture....Respond with shouts to any
picture depicting movement."
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Arapesh Flutes
Here Mead is shown "conducting" Arapesh men playing secular
flutes. In contrast to sacred flutes, from which women and
children must hide, women are permitted to see these flutes.
The Tamberan, guardian spirit of the adult
males, is embodied through the sound of the sacred flutes
and other instruments. The flutes shown in this photo may
be the those Mead described in her writing on the Arapesh
as "buan flutes, a series of triple flutes
which have been secularized among the Arapesh."
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Reo Fortune, photographer.
"Conducting Public Flutes."
Alitoa Village, Arapesh, 1932.
Gelatin silver print.
Manuscript Division
(147)
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Mundugumor Culture
When Mead and Fortune left the Arapesh, they looked for
a culture without much Western cultural contact and which
was not the province of any other anthropologist. They settled
on the Mundugumor (now Biwat), along the Yuat River in what
is now Papua New Guinea. There they encountered an aggressive
culture in a land plagued by ferocious mosquitoes. They
stayed only three months. Mead's most prominent theory about
the Mundugumor is the "rope" kinship system, which has been
debated by later anthropologists. These paintings are among
those Mead collected from the Mundugumor.
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Mundugumor Paintings I.
Color painting of lizard and
frog by
Maikava, male, age 17, Kenakatem,
December 4, 1932.
Manuscript Division
(172a)
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Mundugumor Paintings II.
Color painting by
Yeshimba, adult male, Kenakatem,
December 4, 1932.
Manuscript Division
(172b)
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Margaret Mead or Reo
Fortune, photographer.
Mundugumor woman
holding baby.
Gelatin silver print.
Manuscript
Division (152)
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Carrying Babies
Mead reported that both Arapesh and Mundugumor mothers
carried their babies suspended from their foreheads. While
Arapesh generally women used net bags, which simulated the
experience of the womb, Mead reported that the Mundugumor
carried their babies in rough-plaited, rigid baskets. Older
Mundugumor children would be carried on their mothers' backs
with no support, holding on by grabbing the mother's hair.
In this photograph a Mundugumor woman holds a baby over
her arm.
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Letter from Karen Horney
Mead corresponded and shared ideas with numerous individuals
who shared her interests, regardless of their fields. Here
Karen Horney (1885-1952), the German-born feminist psychoanalyst
wrote to Mead suggesting they meet to discuss issues such
as "female 'qualities' and their being subject to cultural
factors." Horney suggested the possibility of including
German-born psychoanalyst Erich Fromm (1900-1980) and Yale
psychologist John Dollard (1900-1980) in their meeting.
All four shared an interest in combining psychology with
the study of socio-cultural factors.
PARTIAL TRANSCRIPTION:
I should greatly
enjoy discussing with you problems, particular[ly] such
as female "qualities" and their being subject to cultural
factors. The [social] circle last time was too great. Maybe
we meet once alone or together with Dollard + Fromm only?
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Karen Horney.
Letter to Margaret Mead,
February 8 [probably 1935].
Page 2
Holograph manuscript.
Manuscript Division
(143a)
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Culture and Personality Studies
is a school of psychological anthropology that focuses on
the interaction of culture and individual personality. What
part of one's personality comes from his or her culture
and what part from the individual's psychological makeup?
Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict were two of the most prominent
anthropologists associated with an approach in culture and
personality studies that conceives of culture as a set of
patterns similar to the organization of an individual personality.
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Three Anthropologists
This July 1933 photo shows [left to right] anthropologist
Gregory Bateson with Margaret Mead and Reo Fortune, all
of whom had just arrived in Sydney, Australia, from their
New Guinea fieldwork. Mead and Fortune met up with Bateson
just before Christmas of 1932. They did their next fieldwork
near him in the Middle Sepik, resulting in an intense exchange
of information and ideas.
While their collaboration in the field advanced their anthropological
work, it also had personal repercussions. Mead and Fortune's
marriage was effectively over at the time this photograph
was taken. She filed for divorce from Fortune two years
later and married Bateson in 1936.
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"Group of Anthropologists
Who Arrived on Macdhui." July 1933.
Gelatin silver print.
Manuscript Division
(139a)
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Margaret Mead [and Reo Fortune].
"Summary Statement
on the Problem of Personality and Culture."
Tchambuli, 1933.
Page 2
Additional handwritten notes
by Reo Fortune, probably
June-July 1935.
Typescript photocopy.
Manuscript
Division (142)
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Early Formulation of Culture and Personality Theory
While they were together in New Guinea, Mead, Fortune,
and Bateson read a draft manuscript of Ruth Benedict's classic
book Patterns of Culture (1934). In that book
Benedict describes cultures as integrated wholes, embodiments
of personality types. Reading the manuscript led Mead, Fortune,
and Bateson to discuss ways of systematically classifying
people and cultures in terms of temperament. This document
is probably Mead's earliest written summary of her thoughts
on this topic. Fortune's name was included on the original
document, but he ultimately disclaimed any responsibility
for the ideas, writing in the top right corner: "I have
nothing to do with this."
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Squares Diagram
From the discussions she had with Bateson and Fortune along
the Sepik, Mead attempted, ultimately unsuccessfully, to
articulate a unified theory of culture and personality.
She referred to this as the theory of "squares." It was
based on a fourfold system, with "compass points" labelled
North ("caring possessive"), South ("careful responsive")
, East ("careful possessive"), and West ("caring responsive").
This is an early attempt by Mead to diagram the squares.
Note that she has included the names of some of her friends
on the diagram, and the names of cultures. She has put herself
at the southern point, along with sociologist Helen Lynd
(1894-1982). At the North she has listed Franz Boas; to
the northwest, Ruth Benedict; to the northeast, Karen Horney.
Tchambuli men are to the southwest and women to the northeast.
Mundugumor are northern and Arapesh southern.
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Margaret Mead.
Notes on squares from Tchambuli
trip,
ca. Spring 1933.
Page 2
Holograph manuscript.
Manuscript Division
(140b)
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Tchambuli Lake,
ca. 1933.
Gelatin silver print
Manuscript
Division (179)
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Tchambuli (Chambri) Lake
Mead and Fortune settled among the lake-dwelling Tchambuli
(now Chambri) in early 1933. They were led there by Gregory
Bateson, who studied the nearby Middle Sepik culture of
Iatmul. Mead wrote of the lake: "On its black polished surface,
thousands of pink and white lotuses and blue water lilies
are spread, and in the early morning white osprey and blue
herons stand in the shallows."
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Language Memorizing Book
While Mead was not known for her linguistic abilities,
her papers include notes she kept as she studied various
languages in the field, as well as language notes made by
others. This is a small notebook Mead used for recording
vocabulary among the Tchambuli. Mead wrote to anthropologist
Clark Wissler (1870-1947), her department chairman at the
American Museum of Natural History: "The language is the
most difficult one we have struck." The Tchambuli at this
time numbered about 500 people, and their language was not
understood outside the group.
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Margaret Mead.
"Tchambuli Language Memorizing
Book," ca. 1933.
Holograph Manuscript.
Manuscript Division
(178)
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Reo Fortune, photographer.
"Tchambuli woman
+ child,"
ca. 1933.
Gelatin silver print
Manuscript
Division (180b)
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Tchambuli Woman Holding Baby
In contrast to her studies of the Arapesh and Mundugumor
cultures, which standardized the same personality for males
and females, Mead found expectations of contrasting personalities
for male and female among the Tchambuli, with the woman
being dominant and the man responsive. At the time Mead
and Fortune studied the Tchambuli, however, many of the
men were away, which may have distorted Mead's conclusions.
Pictured here is a Tchambuli woman holding a baby.
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Response to a Reader
Mead received a considerable amount of mail from members
of the public who had read her work or heard her speak.
She often responded to these letters personally, especially
in earlier years. Here she answers a woman from Washington,
D.C., who claimed that Mead attributes all differences between
male and female personalities to environment. Mead replied
that differences among people as individuals must be understood
before understanding differences based on sex. She writes:
"I nowhere say that there are no primary, i.e. biologically
determined sex differences. I think there probably are."
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Margaret Mead.
Letter to Maurine D. Burgess,
August 26, 1937.
Typescript carbon.
Manuscript Division
(175)
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